Robert Hackman is an Australian born photographer based in London. Represented by LUZ Photographic Agency.
2001 Solo Exhibition for the United Nations, Tirana, Albania.
2002 Solo Exhibition for the United Nations, Belgrade, Serbia.
2008 Solo Exhibition at ROA Gallery, London, U.K.
2009 Group Summer Show Foto8, London, U.K.
2009 Group Summer Show Crane Kalman Gallery, Brighton, U.K.
2009 Group Show Association of Photographers Gallery, London, U.K.
2012 Group Show, Photofusion Gallery, London, U.K.
2014 Solo Exhibition, National History Museum, Tirana, Albania.
2014 Group Show, Photofusion Gallery, London, U.K.
2015 Solo Exhibition, National Gallery of Arts, Tirana, Albania.
2015 Group Show, Photofusion Gallery, London, U.K.
2016 Group Show, Kolga Photo Festival, Tbilisi, Republic of Georgia
2019 Book Launch, University College of London, London, U.K.
2019 Group Show, National Museum of History, Tirana, Albania.
No one is really sure how many bunkers were built by the communist regime in Albania. It is impossible to count them today as many have been removed and others recycled or reused. A commonly used figure is 500 000 and sometimes as many as 700 000. The true number is likely to be closer to 175 000.
When I first arrived in Albania back in 2001, the country was still in disarray from economic collapse caused by a mass pyramid scheme meltdown that occurred in 1997. In amongst the chaos of people's daily lives, one element stood as a constant reminder that things were once very different. They were once ruled by one of the most autocratic Marxist-Leninist communist dictatorships the world has ever seen. On street corners, in the fields, and by the roadsides, immovable concrete bunkers recalled the day when Albania was an isolated nation whose people had no knowledge of the outside world. All news was controlled by the state, which led the people to believe that the outside world wished to invade their communist ‘paradise'.
This small Balkan country that survived Roman, Ottoman and Italian invasions, was forced to toil with great sacrifice to build defences against the ‘Imperial' forces and communist revisionist countries who had altered the Marxist-Leninist doctrine. For this reason the bunkers were built en masse under the Albanian communist leadership. However, the bunkers were not built in a day, the process was gradual and the policy took a long time to formulate. After several years of false starts and fractional quarrelling, a unified Albanian Communist party was formed on 8 November 1941 in the capital Tiranë. Enver Hoxha was elected secretary and continued to control the party until his death in 1985.
In 1944 Albania liberated itself from German occupation and Hoxha seized power and established a government in Tiranë under Yugoslavian and Soviet tutelage. Relations were eventually broken with both of these important allies. The former in 1948 due to Hoxha's fear of Yugoslavia annexing Albania, and the Soviets in 1961 when Khrushchev adopted communist revisionism. With the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968, Albania withdrew from the Warsaw Pact. Left out in the cold during the Cold War, Hoxha was thrown a political and financial lifeline by the People's Republic of China (PRC) in need of a friendly seat in the United Nations (China's seat was held by The Republic of China or otherwise known as Taiwan, until replaced by the PRC in 1971) and an ally in Europe. However this friendship came to an end in 1978 after a gradual decline in relations, beginning with US President Nixon's visit to Beijing in 1972 and later an invitation extended to Yugoslavia's Marshal Tito in 1977. Hoxha believed that like the Soviets and Yugoslavs before them, the Chinese were adopting revisionism. Totally isolated, Hoxha's uncompromising approach to Marxist-Lennist doctrine left him with no option but to go it alone and attempt to create a fully self-supportive state.
By now Hoxha had created his own cult of personality and ruled Albania as if it were his own personal fiefdom. Aided by a network of spies and autocratic terror, he incarcerated and murdered political adversaries and citizens alike. With no contact with the ‘outside' world, the citizens were manipulated into believing that invasion was imminent. Concrete fabrication factories in every municipality began constructing bunkers 24 hours a day, every day of the year from 1976 until 1989. One labourer that I interviewed told me that the factory he worked in rotated in three shifts of eight hours each. Each shift made different parts so that no one person knew the exact constructional details of the bunkers they were building. Another, a field engineer responsible for erecting the bunkers, informed me that he worked 10 hours a day, every day for eight years. When asked if he ever questioned the perceived threat and the need for the bunkers, he replied that they were regularly given false air raid alarms to condition their thoughts. However, the threat of invasion was once a reality.
The British and the Americans had both undertaken serious covert operations in Albania in an attempt to remove the communists and also make a small retaliatory statement to Stalin for his annexation of Eastern Europe. Although Albania was seen as an easy target, the venture failed miserably mainly due to the double agent Harold ‘Kim' Philby. Yugoslavian annexation was also a possibility as Stalin had given a quiet nod to Marshal Tito. The country was completely surrounded by NATO powers and revisionist communists. However, by the time Hoxha commenced the full-scale bunkerfication of Albania in 1976, the threat had passed. The wealth and energy that was consumed in building these military defences was enormous.
No one knows exactly how much as there is no record of the expenditure in the public archives. However one fact is agreed, Albania today would be very different if the resources were used on civil projects such as housing. “One smaller infantry bunker contains enough concrete to build a two bedroom apartment” is a quote often heard from Albanians. The concrete is of the highest grade and only hardens with time. A farmer showed me an infantry bunker with a small section of its side removed to make way for a path. What looked like a small amount of labour had actually taken him and his brother three days to remove with a jackhammer. Higher up the hill was another bunker holding his TV antenna and housing his pigs. Like many Albanians, he has reclaimed the inherent wealth in the bunkers by reusing and recycling them to help build a better future. Today the bunkers belong to the people who use them in a variety of creative ways, such as, accommodation, cafes, storage, livestock barns, water tanks, road curbs, bridges, and swimming pools to mention just a few. Only once were the bunkers ever used for their intended purpose of protecting the occupants from artillery explosions. In March 2008, one of Europe's largest post war explosions occurred in Gërdec, a small town 14 kilometres from the capital Tiranë. Here a stockpile of cold war ammunitions were being decommissioned. Due to non-existent safety precautions, over 400 tonnes of propellant ignited creating a blast felt over 100 miles away. The citizens of this sleepy village took shelter in the bunkers. Rather ironic that Hoxha's bunkers protected the population from his weaponry 23 years after his death.
The majority of the Albanians view the bunkers as a hindrance and an obstacle, but rarely ever an eyesore. There are just so many that they have become accustomed to their presence, much the same as a Londoner with red telephone boxes or New Yorkers with yellow cabs. They have become a part of their lives woven into the fabric of their environment. The best example of the bunkers' place in Albanian society is shown by digressing slightly. In the interests of solidifying Hoxha's cult of personality, a large pyramid shaped museum was built to house his writings and memorabilia. When the Socialist Republic collapsed in 1991 all trace of its occupant were removed and erased. Today it is home to the largest private television. The museum failed in its intention to be a majestic monument to the Nation's Father. The real memorial to Hoxha is the half a million concrete bunkers that blanket the fields, dominate the cliff tops and barricade the beachheads. History has shown us that it is the victors who decide how the past is interpreted. In the case of Albania it is the people and not the Socialist Republic who triumphed and it is they who will decide how Hoxha's bunkers shall be portrayed.
Askush nuk e di saktësisht se sa bunkerë u ndërtuan nga rregjimi komunist në Shqipëri. Është e pamundur t'i numërosh sot, sepse shumë prej bunkerëve janë shkatërruar, të tjerë janë ricikluar apo ripërdorur. Numrat që përmenden shpesh janë 500,000 e madje deri në 700,000. Numri është ndoshta më afër 175 000.
Kur mbërrita në Shqipëri në 2001, vendi ende po vuante pasojat ekonomike të falimentimit të skemave piramidale të 1997-ës. Mes kaosit së jetës së përditshme, një element i përhershëm të kujtonte se gjërat dikur ishin krejt ndryshe. Vite më parë shqiptarët qeveriseshin nga një prej diktaturave komuniste më autokratike që bota kish njohur ndonjëherë. Nëpër rrugica, në fusha, buzë rrugëve dukeshin bunkerët, kujtim i ditëve kur Shqipëria ishte e izoluar dhe shqiptarët nuk e njihnin botën e përtej bunkerëve. Lajmet e kontrolluara nga diktatura komuniste u tregonin shqiptarëve se si bota e huaj përpiqej të sulmonte parajsën e tyre komuniste.
Ky vend i vogël në Ballkan që i mbijetoi pushtimeve romake, otomane dhe italiane, u detyrua të sakrifikonte për të ndërtuar mbrojten kundër forcave “imperialiste” dhe vendeve komuniste revizioniste qe i kishin devijuar doktrinës marksiste-leniniste. Për këtë arsye u ndërtuan bunkerët gjatë rregjimit komunist. Bunkerët nuk u ndërtuan për një ditë. Procesi ishte gradual dhe u desh kohë për të formuluar këtë projekt. Pas shumë përpjekjesh e grindjesh mes fraksionesh, Partia Komuniste e Shqipërisë u themelua më 8 nëntor 1941 në kryeqytet, në Tiranë. Enver Hoxha u zgjodh Sekretar dhe e mbajti partinë nën kontroll deri në vdekjen e tij në 1985.
Në 1944, Shipëria u çlirua nga pushtimi gjerman dhe Hoxha mori drejtimin e vendit duke themeluar qeverinë në Tiranë nën tutelazhin jugosllav dhe sovietik. Me vonë Hoxha i ndërpreu marrëdheniet me këta dy aleatë të rëndësishëm. Në 1948, ai ndërpreu marrëdhëniet me Jugosllavinë për shkak të frikës së aneksimit të Shqipërisë. Në 1961, kur Hrushovi adoptoi revizionizmin komunist, Hoxha ndërpreu edhe marrëdhëniet me të. Pas pushtimit sovietik te Çekosllavakisë në 1968, Shqipëria u tërhoq edhe nga Pakti i Varshavës. I mbetur i izoluar gjatë Luftës së Ftohtë, Hoxha përfitoi nga mbështetja financiare dhe politike e Republikës Popullore të Kinës, që kishte nevojë për mbështetje në Kombetet e Bashkuara (ku përfaqësohej nga Republika e Kinës ose Taivani, të cilin e zëvendësoi në 1971) dhe për një aleat në Europë. Kjo miqësi përfundoi në 1978 pas një ftohjeje graduale që filloi me vizitën e Presidentit Nixon në Bezhing në 1972 dhe ftesën për Titon për të vizituar Kinën në 1977. Hoxha besonte se sikurse sovietikët dhe jugosllavët, kinezët po anonin drejt revizionizmit. Krejt i izoluar tanimë, Hoxha i qëndroi deri në fund doktrinës marksiste-leniniste duke mbetur pa asnjë alternativë tjetër veç të përpiqej të ndërtonte një shtet që mbijetonte veç me fuqitë e tij.
Hoxha kishte krijuar kultin e tij të personalitetit dhe e qeveriste Shqipërinë si feudal. Me ndihmën e një rrjeti informatorësh dhe terrori autokratik, ai burgosi dhe vrau kundërshtarë politike dhe shtetas që i rezistuan rregjimit të tij. Pa kontakte përtej kufijve, shqiptarët u manipuluan të besojnë se mund të pushtoheshin nga momenti në moment. Fabrika në çdo qytet filluan të ndërtojnë pjesë bunkerësh çdo ditë, çdo vit prej 1976 deri në 1989. Një prej ish-punëtorëve më tregoi se fabrika e tij punonte me tre turne që pjesët e bunkerëve të prodhoheshin pa ndërprerje gjatë gjithë ditës e natës. Secili turn prodhonte pjesë të ndryshme e asnjë prej turneve nuk i dinte detajet e bunkerit që ndërtonin. Një inxhinier më tregoi se ai punonte 10 orë në ditë, çdo ditë për tetë vite për të ndërtuar bunkerët ne terren. Ai besonte në rrezikun e pushtimit të huaj dhe nevojën e ndërtimit të bunkerëve – mendimet e tij qenë të kushtëzuara nga alarmet e herëpashershme ajrore. Por kërcënimi i pushtimit dikur ishte realitet.
Anglezët dhe amerikanët ndërmorën operacione të fshehta per të rrëzuar komunistët, por edhe per t'i dhënë një kundërpërgjigje Stalinit për aneksimin e Europës Lindore. Shqipëria konsiderohej si një punë e lehtë e megjithatë përpjekjet anglo-amerikane dështuan keqazi sidomos prej përfshirjes së agjentit të dyfishtë Harold ‘Kim' Filbi. Edhe aneksimi jugosllav ishte i mundshëm pasi Stalini i pat dhënë Titos një miratim të heshtur. Shqipëria ishte e rrethuar plotësisht nga vendet e NATO-s dhe prej komunistëve revizionistë, por kur Hoxha filloi bunkerizimin e vendit në 1976, kërcënimi i pushtimit kishte kaluar tashmë. Pasuria dhe energjia e shpenzur në ndërtimin e bunkerëve ishte e jashtëzakonshme për një vend të vogël e të varfër si Shqipëria komuniste. Ky vend do të ishte ndryshe sot nëse kjo pasuri dhe energji do të ishte shpenzuar per të ndërtuar shtëpi e rrugë. I dëgjoj shpesh shqiptarët të thonë se ka aq çimento në një bunker të vogël këmbësorie sa për të ndërtuar një apartament dy-dhomësh. Është çimento e cilësisë së lartë që veç përmirësohet duke u vjetëruar. Veç një herë u përdorën bunkerët për mbrojtje ndaj shpërthimeve të artilerisë. Në mars 2008, në Gërdec, një fshat i vogël 14 kilometra larg kryeqyetit ku po çmontoheshin mbetje municionesh, ndodhi një nga shpërthimet më të mëdha të pas-luftës. Mungesa e masave paraprake të sigurisë çoi në shpërthimin e mbi 400 tonë ekspolozivi, shpërthim që u ndje në një distancë prej 100 miljesh. Banorët e këtij fshati të përgjumur u strehuan nëpër bunkerë. Sa ironike që bunkerët e Hoxhës mbrojtën vendasit nga municionet e kohës së komunizmit gati 23 vite pas vdekjes së tij.
Shumica e shqiptarëve i konsiderojnë bunkerët si të padëshiruar, por rrallë si shëmti. Ka pasur aq shumë bunkerë sa u është mësuar syri me ta sikurse londinezët janë mësuar me kabinat e kuqe telefonike apo nju-jorkezët me taksitë e verdha. Bunkerët janë bërë pjesë e jetës së tyre, ndërthurur në ekzistencën shqiptare. Shembulli më kuptimplotë i vendit që zënë bunkerët në jetën shqiptare është Piramida. Ky muzeum në formë piramide u ndërtua per të forcuar kultin e personalitetit të Hoxhës, për të ekspozuar shkrimet dhe kujtimet e tij. Sot Piramida është shtëpia e televizionit privat publik më të ndjekur. Muzeumi nuk u shndërrua dot në monumentin mashështor të ‘Atit të Kombit'. Përmendorja e vërtetë e Hoxhës janë gati gjysmë milionë bunkerë që mbuluan anembanë fushat, dominuan malet e kodrat dhe barrikuan bregdetin. Historia dëshmon se fitimtarët vendosin se si do të lexohet e shkuara. Në rastin e Shqipërisë, triumfuan shqiptarët, jo Republika Socialiste, e po këta shqiptarë do të vendosin se si do të kujtohen bunkerët e Hoxhës. Robert Hackman
Bunker Albania published by National Geographic Travel, October, 2018.
LIFE ON A RIVER
The Vjosa in southern Albania is Europe’s last large free flowing river. Over a 270 kilometres course it flows without restriction from its source to mouth, making it not only geographically unique but also rich in terms of ecological biodiversity.
However, this pristine environment is under threat and Europe’s last great river is in danger of becoming restricted by two large hydroelectric dams.
This majestic river has provided a way of life for millennia, with its importance recorded in antiquity. Its waters provided life to villages and cities and gave rise to cultures and histories revered still to this day. Her banks have witnessed historical battles and the passing armies of Phillip V of Macedonia, Pompey and Caesar. More recently, during the harsh Albanian communist era of the 20th century it brought discarded items from its source in Greece downstream to the needy impoverished Albanians who mended and reused these precious items of trash to improve their daily lives.
The Vjosa is still to this day the great provider to the Albanian communities who inhabit the valleys that she passes through. Several of the tributaries already have small hydroelectric plants with more planned. Other tributaries such as Bëncë near Tepelenë are presently pristine but are planned to accommodate six hydroelectric plants that will divert water and destroy the ecosystem.
This wild river is the last line between the Europe of the past and a questionable source of energy for the future. It is the focus of numerous organisation across Europe and Albania who fear that a unique and glorious river will soon be no more.
Mustafa Kemal Ataturk is the founder of modern Turkey.
At the end of the First World War the slow decline of the Turkish Ottoman Empire had finally come to an end. Defeated and destroyed, the nation was in need of resurection and it was Ataturk’s vision and politcal ability that was the unifying factor that guided a broken country into a modern and secular republic.
Although he died over 70 years ago he is reveared as an iconic father of a nation that stands geographically in both Asia and Europe. His image is protected by law, making any effort to discredit his character a criminal offence. However, today this iconic status is being challenged.
In recent years there have been documentaries produced and books written that investigate who Ataturk really was. As the political landscape changes in Turkey due to the present government led by Erdogan and its support from the more traditionally religious elements of society, Ataturk’s authority and place in society is being questioned. Although his legacy is very much alive his authority is slowly eroding. Portraits of this polical grandee hang in every public space but many worry that Ataturk’s image from every day life will no longer be omnipresent.
2025
Second series on Albania for Dritare TV
KOSMOS Zurich - Exhibition
Metamorphosis book official gift for 150 attendees from the Albanian prime minster for the Bread and Heart Festival. https://breadandheartfestival.al/
Two album covers for Paroxysm Records Ltd
Roma homes destroyed for inner city development, Tirana, Albania.
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With over 15 years of experience using LAB as a colour space to undertake all of my colour correction and post production, I have formulated a simple method of harnessing and utilising the most powerful colour space, LAB.
During these years I have developed my own techniques that have enabled an approach to my post production in a practical and easy to understand manner. After completing this course LAB Module 1 you will be empowered with knowledge and techniques that will give you control over your pre-visualisation.
LAB is without doubt the most powerful colour space available and thus considered difficult to use. Because of this many myths arise to its use and almost every photographer avoids using it as it is deemed too difficult to understand, until now. I will put in your hands the power of LAB in a simple and practical manner, one that you will without doubt use for the rest of your working years.
https://www.facebook.com/LAB.Practical
INTRODUCTION
With over 15 years of experience using LAB as a colour space to do all of my colour correction and post production, I have formulated an easy and simple method of harnessing and utilising the most powerful colour space, LAB.
During these years I have developed my own techniques that have enabled an approach to my post production in a practical easy to understand manner. After completing this four module course you will be empowered with knowledge and techniques that will give you the result that you pre-visualise and envision rather than settling for compromises that are so often associated with the RGB colour space.
LAB is without doubt the most powerful colour space available and thus considered difficult to use. Becuase of this many myths arise to its use and almost every photographer avoids using it as it is deemed too difficult to understand, until now. I will put in your hands the power of LAB in a simple and practical manner, one that you will without doubt use for the rest of your working years.
Just a few reasons for using LAB
Fast and effective colour correction.
Unlike RGB, LAB is a colour space similar to the human eye.
Create images with visual punch. Contrasts colours without effecting the chroma or luminance
Great for sharpening as you can do this without affecting colour pixels and thus increasing noise.
Decrease noise.
Good for removing colour casts.
Correcting or lessening lens flare.
Correcting lens vignetting
Good for making masks.
Placing a colour on a precise predetermined Pantone colour, which is great for any product photographers.
Dehazing
Customise vibrancy rather than using the blunt tool in Lightroom.
Understand ICC profiles better as it is all based on LAB.
Useful for determining small differences in color or luminance.
Course have no more than four participants.
Each module is 2 hours and 30 minutes in length
Each module is £25.00
Module 1
Introduction to LAB and colour spaces
Setting up Photoshop for LAB workflows
Exploring the LAB channels
Making sense of the numbers
Colour correction exercises using the LAB channels
Thinking like a painter and why the Renaissance was important
Colour correcting a photograph
Setting the blacks
Adjusting the mid-tones
Selecting the highlights
Module 2
LAB is the tool to solve your problems
Making masks in LAB
Addressing colour casts and lens flaring
Eliminating lens vignettes and customising actions for your lenses.
Setting Pantone colours
Dehazing in LAB
Sharpening in LAB
Albania is one of Europe's most recent sovereign states. Formed in 1912 with the decline of the Ottoman Empire, the foundling state had a very precarious beginning.
The inevitable breakup of The Ottoman Empire was hastened by the complete success of The Albanian Revolt, having all of its demands for boundary reforms met by their Ottoman overlords. This indication of a severely weakened Ottoman authority led to the First Balkan War.
Foreseeing the vacuum left from an Ottoman demise , neighbouring countries consisting of Serbia, Greece, Bulgaria and Montenegro formed The Balkan League. The League's agreement was to divide and annex European territory left from an Ottoman withdrawal. With The League's armies making major advancements, Albanian beys and intellectuals gathered in the southern port city of Vlora and formed the All Albanian Congress to protect the gains of the Albanian Revolt as to which Ottoman territory was deemed an autonomous Albania.
The Balkan League was eventually pushed back and lost some of its gains
and on the 28th of November 1912 The All Albanian Congress met to proclaim Albania's Independence from the Ottoman Empire and the formation of an Albanian State. The declaration was made Ismail Qemal, the countries first president.
In 1913 a delegation was sent to The London Conference to seek international recognition. The international powers decided to grant this on the understanding that it must loose some of the proclaimed territory of Albania to members of the Balkan League and become a constitutional monarchy. For this role a junior German prince called Wilhem of Wied was eventually selected but due to internal political intrigue largely orchestrated by Albanian Essad Pasha Toptani the new monarch's effective control was limited to a the port of Durrës and a few small surrounding villages. Six months later Wilhelm of Wied's position was unsustainable and conveniently for him the First World War broke out and he was recalled to Germany for military service.
Between the two World Wars, Albania transitioned from a democratic republic to a monarchy under the rule of self proclaimed King Ahmed Zogu, chief of the influential Mati Tribe and former Prime Minister of Albania.
In 1939 Italy annexed Albania forcing King Zog flee into exile. The Second World War saw Albania occupied by the fascist Italians and later the Nazis. Three predominant resistance groups formed, Legality Movement (monarchists), Bali Kombëtar (nationalists), and Partisans (communists), but were largely ineffective as animosity between the groups descended into civil war. The communist Partisans ensured that they were in the commanding position at the end of the war and through this grandstanding and the use of force were able to seize power and hold power until 1991.
Albania's long road to democratic republic did not begin in earnest until the fall of the communists regime's brutal rule. However, with the collapse of a huge financial pyramid scheme in 1997, Albania was once again standing at the precipice of civil war which was thankfully averted.
Today Albania's state institutions have strengthened and this small Balkan state is now a confident, stronger and peaceful country that continually finds itself at the top of places to travel lists. With its rich history from the stone and bronze ages to its more modern intrigues, unspoilt environs, culture and welcoming nature of its people, Albania proudly sits at the international table of nations.
This work is a collection of images taken from 2001 to date, that intend to help explain Albania's history and customs with personal insights acquired from numerous travels of the past 20 plus years.
10/10 PROJECT: Bias, Beauty, and the Machinery of Looking
By early adolescence, beauty editing is already routine: 80% of girls have used a filter or retouching app to change how they look by age 13 (Dove’s Self-Esteem Project). Platforms and media amplify the effect. TikTok’s hyper real Bold Glamour showed how easily AI can narrow noses, taper jaws, and smooth skin while still looking “natural,” as reported by Cosmopolitan.
Beauty is never neutral. It shows itself through preferences that are cultural, historical, pseudo scientific, or otherwise.
Today we have digital tools designed to “enhance” beauty. Within retouching software you find a philosophy disguised as sliders: enlarge eyes, plump lips, lengthen neck, narrow jaw, smooth skin, thin noses. There is no control for the gaps and quirks some cultures prize. For example, a diastema between the front teeth, which in parts of Africa reads as charm and vitality.
Magazines have repeated the same narrow looks across fashion spreads, cosmetics ads, celebrity portraits, and cover lines, which became an industrial loop that trained a global audience to recognise a homogenised Western standard as “timeless.” Newsstands the world over offered the same faces, lightly localised but basically the same. Repetition becomes a power. What returns to the page returns to the eye, and what returns to the eye becomes the norm. Once those archives were digitised and fed into modern systems, machines inherited not only images but the habits those images had already normalised. Western canons and commercial imagery taught machines what to see, and print’s echo chamber taught the rest of us to want it.
The same conditioning now lives in our pockets. Beauty apps and platform filters make enhancement an expected step. The edit is often inseparable from the act of looking.
This is the ground on which 10/10 stands. The project begins with inheritance, the long shadow of these standards deciding which differences count as “flaws.” From that recognition comes the method. By searching the internet for a list of “the most beautiful nationalities” , AI software was prompted to render ten portraits of these nationalities in the frame of “universal” beauty, the Mona Lisa pose.
Each image underwent retouching in a portrait editing software, where control sliders were used to adjust features the program considers to be attributes of “beauty”, the eyes, lips, nose, and jawline.
Face Shape → Forehead, Jaw
Eyes → Left Eye, Right Eye, Eyebrow Shape (left and right), Cross Eyed (eye distance), Eye Widening (left and right)
Mouth Shape → Smile, Upper Lip, Lower Lip, Expression, Blur Lip Line, Plump Lips (upper and lower)
Nose → Shorten Nose, Shorten Philtrum, Slim Tip, Slim Nose
Neck (lengthening)
Lens Correct (fixes close focus distortion)
Head Forward (simulates a flattering tilt)
By framing beauty as ‘10/10’ and setting every control slider to the maximum settings of 100%, an inhereted bias is given to the image, a ‘scientific’ look. The final image doesn’t prove any truth about beauty, it simply shows a process that dressed preference up as measurement.
Who gets to be seen and how
Real people keep finding the limits of these systems. Jess Smith, an Australian Paralympian, asked an AI to show her as she is, missing part of her left arm, however the model kept “fixing” her, adding a second arm or a prosthetic which she does not use. The reason given was not enough data. When the archive cannot see you, the output tries to fix you. Later updates finally rendered her body accurately. Good progress, but also proof that inclusion is a choice, not a guarantee.
Naomi Bowman, who has sight in only one eye, asked only to blur her background. However the tool “evened out” her face instead, turning a simple request into a push toward an ideal of conformity. This is exactly what 10/10 shows, the software interface treats difference as a defect. There is no slider for lived experience.
Why bias happens
Bias starts with who makes the tools. If people with different bodies and backgrounds are not in the room when the data is chosen and labelled, those people will not be seen properly by the system. We have already seen this in photography itself. For decades Kodak calibrated colour film using Shirley Cards, reference portraits of light skinned women. The test image set the standard for exposure and colour balance. Darker skin tones were outside that standard, so film often failed to render them well. It was only after complaints from chocolate manufacturers and furniture makers about poor reproduction of dark browns that Kodak adjusted its processes. People with darker skin were not considered when the system was designed, and so they were not represented.
The same logic runs through today’s tools. Many tests show these systems work worse on darker skin and non Western faces. The point is not to be shocked. It is to be specific. At every step a decision is made about what images are collected, which ones are kept, how they are labelled, how the model is trained, and the rules used after training. Someone is deciding who shows up in the results and who gets left out.
What appears in 10/10 is not a glitch but a lesson made visible. With each pass, the face yields to the code’s routine. Eyes widen, lips swell, the jaw retreats, the neck cranes, the skin turns to porcelain. “Lens Correct” and “Head Forward” tidy the optics, “Slim Nose,” “Shorten Philtrum,” and “Plump Lips” replay a familiar recipe. By the tenth loop the portrait is less a person than a diagram of compliance. The software has not failed. It has done exactly what it was built to do.
The Mona Lisa matters because she is the West’s most famous riddle of beauty, a myth sold as something universal. Pouring national types into that mould exposes the mould. A Ukrainian sitter, with wreath and embroidery, brings culture and specificity. The algorithm accepts these only as decoration, not structure. There is no slider for a tooth gap, no control for the asymmetry that makes a face unforgettable. Individuality becomes “noise.”
The cost and the choice
Even the infrastructure has consequences. The compute that manufactures these ideals consumes real energy, the glamour has a grid. When platforms talk about age gating younger users from accessing the most extreme filters, it is an admission that what was framed as play now shapes bodies and self image to the detriment of mental health.
The old way of looking did not disappear, it got software. First in glossy magazines, then in beauty apps, and now in platform filters, the standard stayed the same while the tools changed. We should not stop at blaming “the machine.” The machine is us, scaled, automated, and accelerated.
Ethically, 10/10 uses the very mechanisms it critiques. It repeats the process to reveal the pattern. That discomfort is the point. Only by pushing every control slider to the limit do we see the idea beneath “enhancement.” The grotesque is the diagnosis. The endpoint of a design that promised perfection and delivered uniformity.
Standardising beauty squeezes many different faces and stories into a single template. The more we chase one perfect look, the less beauty there is to see. The rich variety of features, textures, expressions, and histories gets stripped away, leaving a flatter, weaker version of beauty.